Lorenzo Diez Picazo
Lorenzo Diez Picazo is an MA graduate in Transnational Governance from the European University Institute. He is passionate about the political economy of Europe in the context of growing geopolitical competition.
Nicolás Palomo Hernández
1. Introduction
Star Wars is undoubtedly one of the great myths of our time. Its films and series are a great compendium which reflect the zeitgeist of Western society about a wide range of themes that, as Rubino (2011) points out, “have preoccupied humans for millennia”. Star Wars is an epic poem whose heroes (Anakin Skywalker, his son Luke and Rey) embody a set of ideals about duty, friendship or destiny that inevitably evokes the Greek and Roman myths of Achilles, Ulysses, Orestes, Aeneas or Oedipus (Rubino, 2011). It is also an essay on religion that draws as much from Taoism and other Eastern beliefs (Wetmore, 2000; Clarke, 2022) as from the messianism of monotheistic religions (Papandrea, 2017; Donovan, 2006). And, of course, it also represents a whole political worldview. In particular, many have seen in Episodes I, II and III -which are more political in their nature- a modern dramatisation of the fall of the Roman Republic at the hands of Augustus or a critique of the American imperialism of the second half of the twentieth century (Charles, 2015). Curiously, George Lucas has sometimes admitted to having written Episode I, The Phantom Menace, with a copy of Julius Caesar’s Civil War or to having been inspired by Richard Nixon when conceiving the character of Chancellor Palpatine -Darth Sidious-, who later became Emperor (Charles, 2015). Even today, over twenty years after the release of the second trilogy, some journalists still take it as a source of inspiration to interpret the political context of their countries (see, for instance, Vallín, 2021).
However, nothing has been said yet about the relationship between the former Galactic Republic and the European Union (EU). This is surprising given their similar institutional structure: the Galactic Republic is a political system of hybrid supranational and intergovernmental governance much closer to the somewhat nebulous EU system than to the US Federal Republic or the republican Senate of Ancient Rome. Moreover, it is in the EU context in which a higher number of lessons can be drawn from the fall of the Galactic Republic. While on the one hand, Episodes I, II and III limit themselves to critique the vices of the American capitalist system, they do give a good account of the institutional weaknesses of a hybrid (supranational and intergovernmental) system of governance in the case of the EU. Thus, this essay argues that Star Wars offers a whole series of lessons that warn of the dangers lurking in European governance.
Specifically, this essay aims to study to what extent the factors that led to the fall of the Old Galactic Republic in Episodes I, II and III help us to understand the “phantom menace” posed by the lack of democratic legitimacy to the political system of the European Union. To this end, a comparative analysis will be carried out between a real political system such as that of the European Union and an imaginary political system such as that of the Old Galactic Republic. In order to understand how the latter is designed (and also how it functions), this essay is based on the Episodes I The Phantom Menace, II Attack of the Clones and III Revenge of the Sith, and the Clone Wars animated series. All of them tell how the Republic fell and was replaced by the Galactic Empire. If one were to ask why the essay follows such an unusual methodological choice, the answer would be that it is because there is a scarcity of regional political systems with a comparable level of integration to that of the European Union. Moreover, as Homer taught through Odysseus almost thirty centuries ago, myths often say more about reality in its more fictitious and implausible aspects than in its more credible and banal ones.
2. The institutional architecture of the Galactic Republic: similarities with the European Union
This essay attempts to offer a comparative analysis of the political systems of the Old Galactic Republic and the European Union. But why are the two systems comparable? How are they similar? How do they differ?
The main common element underpinning the political-institutional systems of both the supra-planetary federation of the Old Galactic Republic and the European Union is their multifaceted identity. The allegiance to both the galaxy’s and the continent’s system is not hegemonic. In the Republic, the existence of a galactic demos is difficult to affirm due to the diversity of citizens’ allegiances: planet, ethnicity, cult, species. In the European Union, there is an ongoing debate on the existence of a European demos; this is mainly due to the multiplicity of citizens’ affiliations: member States, nation, region, ideology. It is difficult to strictly favour a supranational or an intergovernmental understanding of both processes of political integration. Both the Old Galactic Republic and the European Union can be understood as demoicracies,defined by Nicolaidis (2012) as political systems composed of multiple demos governing together (Palomo Hernández, 2024).
Thus, similar to the European Union, the institutional architecture of the Old Galactic Republic is based on a hybrid political system that combines supranational and intergovernmental elements. This is schematised in Figure 1.
Its main representative chamber, the Galactic Senate, is an eminently intergovernmental legislative body, with the power to pass laws and to elect, depose and determine the powers of the Supreme Chancellor, who represents the executive branch of the Republic. Inter alia, the Senate has the power to approve the state of emergency and to grant extraordinary powers to the executive. Thus, Senate is the cornerstone of the institutional architecture of the Galactic Republic, both de facto and de iure. However, Episodes I, II and III show how the Chancellor accumulates extraordinary powers (which are always transferred by the Senate through legal procedures) until he becomes the “sovereign” in a Schmittian sense when he proclaims the creation of the Empire. In other words, he holds power in the exceptional cases which are not foreseen in written law (Schmitt, 2005). Thus, the balance of power between the Senate and the Chancellery in the Galactic Republic differs from the case of the European Union, in which both the executive and the legislative branches of power are deconcentrated both horizontally (through a dual executive and a dual legislative power) and vertically (through a system of multilevel governance that includes the Member States) (Conway, 2011).
However, it should be noted that, unlike the European Union, the Galactic Republic lacks directly elected bodies representing the citizenry. It has no parliament whose members are directly elected by the citizens of the member planets, nor does it have any other democratic channels through which the latter can directly intervene in the political decision-making process. For example, there is no such thing as a Conference on the Future of Europe or a European Citizens’ Initiatives in the films. Thus, regarding its representative nature, the Galactic Senate is an intergovernmental body more akin to the Council of the European Union. Table 1 shows the possible equivalences between bodies in the two political systems.
As can be seen in Figure 1 above, apart from the Senate and the Chancellery, there is the Supreme Court of the Republic, the bureaucratic apparatus, and the independent and completely sui generis institution of the High Jedi Council. The latter is the highest governing body of the Jedi Order (a religious and military organisation), which acts as the “guardian of peace and justice in the galaxy”. It carries out investigations at the request of either the Senate or the Chancellor. Yet, it is mostly autonomous when determining its daily duties. Additionally, it is involved in the decision-making process, as it sometimes advises political leaders. It monopolises the legitimate use of the Force, the energetic-metaphysical power that governs the laws of nature in the Galaxy.
In addition, lobbies wield a considerable amount of influence in both political systems. In the EU, the power of lobbies is a well-studied phenomenon (Klüver, et al., 2015). In the Galactic Senate, they arguably enjoy an even more privileged position. The Trade Federation, an interplanetary industrial conglomerate, has a seat at the Galactic Senate with the same stance as the Member Planets of the Galactic Republic. Finally, there are some more similarities between both political systems. For instance, neither of both has a permanent army: it is only in Episode II when the Galactic Republic approves the creation of an army, purchasing millions of clone troopers to deal with the separatist threat. Also, both have a common currency, the Republican Credit and the Euro.
Therefore, contrary to those authors who have pointed out the similarities between the Old Galactic Republic and other political systems (e.g.: The Roman Republic, the 20th Century United States), there are reasons to believe that it resembles more that of the European Union. Both can only be understood on the basis of theories of supranational and intergovernmental integration. Still, it remains to be seen how the fall of the Republic can help to better understand the problems of legitimacy that beset the European Union.
3. The democratic deficit in both the galaxy and the continent
The Galactic Republic achieved a certain institutional stability for over a thousand years, until Darth Sidious, hiding behind the mask of his public persona Chancellor Palpatine, manages in Episode III to get the Senate’s approval to become Emperor. Many have seen the fall of the Republic as a phenomenon solely attributable to conspiracies by the dark side of the Force (Charles, 2015). On the one hand, the longevity of the Republican institutions makes it difficult to attribute any design flaws to them. On the other hand, Darth Sidious’ extraordinary control of the Force enables him to orchestrate a meticulously crafted plan to seed discord and make the perceived need for an authoritarian leader unavoidable. However, it is possible to consider that the lack of democratic legitimacy of the Republican institutions made them particularly vulnerable to the authoritarian impulses of the evil Sith.
Following the Kantian dictum that even a people composed of evil beings can be properly organised with the proper institutions, this essay dismisses the idea that the fall of the Republic is the sole consequence of Darth Sidious’s conspiracies. Thus, it seeks to identify the institutional and democratic weaknesses of the galactic political system and translate them to the context of European governance.
The first question is therefore how to assess democratic legitimacy. For Dahl (2015), polyarchy is the democratic government at the nation-State level. Yet, can the Galactic Republic and the European Union be categorised as States? Although none of them can be strictly labelled as States, Mair (2013) offers a way out of this debate: the EU (like the Galactic Republic) is a political system and, as such, it can be held to similar accountability standards (Palomo Hernández, 2024). Thus, Marquand (1979) coins the term “democratic deficit” to refer to the EU’s democratic legitimacy gaps. Hereon, the essay identifies a series of democratic deficits common to both political systems.
An elite-led political project
Just as it is the case with the European Union, one of the main criticisms of the galactic democracy is that it is mainly led by political elites (Bellamy & Warleigh, 2001; Mair, 2017). This would produce two main effects: 1) a depoliticisation of the process of political integration of planetary systems and member States, and 2) a limit to the possibility and effectiveness of citizen participation (Palomo Hernández, 2024). Despite all of this, both the EU and the Republic were originally based on a permissive consensus whereby citizens accepted the existential legitimacy of both systems. This consensus remained in place for over a thousand years in the case of the Galactic Republic. In the case of the European Union it lasted only a few decades. The permissive consensus breaks down when the political system does not produce the desired effects and when its functional legitimacy is put into question. In the case of the Galactic Republic, this happens due to its inability to ensure peace and well-being in the galaxy. In the case of the European Union, the permissive consensus was broken by the failure of the 2004 Constitutional Treaty and due to the 2008 economic, financial and political crisis (Hooghe and Marks, 2009).
According to Hooghe and Marks (2009), this new situation led to a restrictive dissensus in the European Union that aligned citizens into two groups: 1) those who demand more democratisation and 2) those who advocate for the end of the Union or the departure of their respective States (Palomo Hernández, 2024). Similarly, in the case of the Galactic Republic, similar to what happens in the EU, the restrictive dissensus creates 1) a small minority group demanding more democratisation, led by Senators Padme Amidala and Bail Organa, and 2) a group that creates a separatist coalition that decides to leave the Republic. In addition, 3) a third group calls for increasing the powers of the Executive during exceptional times. Subsequently, the latter group is key in providing for the social support which leads Chancellor Palpatine (Darth Sidious) to be proclaimed Emperor. If the European Union is still far from a restrictive dissensus creating a third group as in the Galactic Republic, it is partly because, following Nicolaidis’ (2018) words, it has not yet “crossed the Rubicon” of statehood. The European Union in its current phase of integration is not a unitary federation allowing the emergence of demands for a continental authoritarian leader.
The failure to incorporate political conflict within the system
For Dahl (2015), the European Union’s main democratic deficit is that its institutional design does not favour the nexus between the government and the opposition. As a result, the opposition is unable to organise and effectively articulate its demands within the political. Thus, similar to the effects caused by the restrictive dissensus, the opposition is doomed to a) be eliminated by the system or b) mobilise against the system itself (Dahl, 2015; Mair, 2007, 2013). The Galactic Republic suffers from the same problem: “I will not like this Republic, that has stood over a thousand years, be split in two”, says Chancellor Palpatine (Lucas, 2002). Eventually, however, the opposition is forced out of the political system, accused of treason and separatism, and all negotiations with them are forbidden. Hence, a differentiated political system emerges, the Confederation of Independent Systems or Separatist Alliance, in which the planetary systems dissatisfied with the functioning of the Republic and its impossibility of reform are integrated in a confederal structure (Filoni, 2011).
The Separatist Alliance is a political system which aggregates diverse interests. Count Dooku, who is both its head of State as well as the leader of its Senate, is a former Jedi turned to the dark side who acts as a mere puppet of Darth Sidious. Furthermore, the Separatist Alliance also includes large and powerful corporations such as the Trade Federation, the Banking Clan and the Tech Union. However, As Ashoka Tano puts is: “The politics of this war are not as black and white as I once thought they were” (Filoni, 2011). Like the Republic, the Separatists claim to be driven by democratic principles and procedures. The Separatist Senate also includes representatives of planetary systems which are critical with some of the Republican democracy’s shortcomings: increasing corruption, the monopolisation of power by political elites, high bureaucratisation and public policy ineffectiveness (Filoni, 2011)
Interestingly, many of the tensions between the Republicans and the Separatists reproduce the four main cleavages defined by Lipset and Rokkan (1967):
- Centre-Periphery: This is mainly expressed in the conflict between Republicans and Separatists, but also in the non-inclusion of the peripheral planets of the outer rim in the Republic. This can be related to the concept of external domination and the inability of the European Union to accept its share in it (Bhambra, 2016).
- State-Church: Throughout the plot, tensions between the High Jedi Council on the one hand and the Senate and the Chancellery on the other are constant. In particular, the films show how both parties use Anakin Skywalker to spy on each other, while at the same time overstepping their authority and encroaching on each other’s powers.
- Owner-Worker: This is represented by the social unrest caused both by the relationship between workers and large corporations, and the lack of access to basic services. It is also represented by the proliferation of slavery and child labour. “The Republic does not exist on Tatooine. We must survive on our own”, says Anakin’s mother when asked about why she and her son are still slaves despite Republican law forbidding these practices (Lucas, 1999).
- Land-Industry: The detonator of the conflict in the galaxy is the Republic’s approval of a new tariff on trade routes, which highlights the tensions between the public institutions and the large industrialists and traders.
Still, the Galactic Republic denies the conflict within its political system and is incapable of effectively accommodating and responding to the demands of the different groups. As an adult Anakin Skywalker states in the Clone Wars television series: “War is complicated but let me simplify it. The Separatists believe the Republic is corrupt, but they are wrong, and we have to restore order” (Filoni, 2011). Following Hirschman (1970), when faced with the perceived impossibility of reform, the dissatisfied would opt out of the system itself. This, applied to the case of the European Union, would partially explain the emergence and relative success of the various Eurosceptic political movements, as well as the system’s response to them (e.g. Brexit). The inability of the opposition to organise itself within the Republic would eventually bring about the end of the galactic democracy at the hands of the authoritarian impulses of the Sith. The opposition’s behaviour in both systems represents what Padme describes so well when she argues that “the war represents a failure to listen” (Lucas, 2005). Note that “listening” does not entail accepting, but rather accommodating the opposition’s demands within the system itself.
The issue of the excessive political power of unaccountable actors
A common criticism of the Galactic Republic is the excessive power wielded by the High Jedi Council. This organ bases its legitimacy on ancient writings and traditions, but not on clear and defined procedures or any kind of democratic accountability. The powers of the High Jedi Council do not directly stem from the will of the people. Moreover, the most powerful Jedi openly express their rejection of politicians and representative democracy. In Episode II, Anakin argues that there is a need for “a system where the politicians sit down and discuss the problems, agree what’s in the best interests of all the people, and then do it” and, if the people do not accept it, “they should be made to” accept it (Lucas, 2002). Given the possibility that this idea may seem dictatorial, Anakin asserts that this is not a problem “if it works” (Lucas, 2002). Even Obi-Wan Kenobi says, referring to Senator Padme Amidala: “She’s a politician. They are not to be trusted. Senators are only focused on pleasing those who fund their campaigns. They are more than willing to forget the niceties of democracy to get those funds” (Lucas, 2002). Finally, in response to Chancellor Palpatine’s authoritarian drift, the High Jedi Council attempts to override the legislative and executive branches by forcing a failed coup attempt to “safeguard democracy”. The High Jedi Council has a clear procedural legitimacy and accountability deficit regarding its position in the Old Galactic Republic’s political system.
While it is unthinkable that the large number of non-majoritarian (or weakly accountable) agencies and bodies of the European Union could generate some kind of authoritarian drift such as that of the High Jedi Council, it is essential to recognise its democratic deficits. This is exactly what Mair (2017) points out when he links the EU’s democratic deficit to the increasing delegation of competences to institutions that are neither majoritarian nor subject to minimum standards of accountability. Moreover, as Schmidt (2020) suggests, the EU’s institutional design sometimes allows such institutions to behave as ‘Ayatollahs’ of economic austerity, as it was the case at the onset of the 2008 economic crisis. Schmidt’s controversial use of the expression is funny considering that, possibly, the Iranian Islamic Revolution Council is the institution that most closely resembles the High Jedi Council in both its functioning and its institutional nature. Both are eminently political entities which base their legitimacy in religion and which are autonomous from their respective institutional settings. While it would be far-fetched to claim that the EU’s non-majoritarian bodies are analogous to the High Jedi Council or the Ayatollahs’ collegiate body, it is worth mentioning that the European institutional architecture is not yet robust enough to ensure that no “Jedi” impulses are unleashed.
These accountability deficits can be extended to the excessive power exercised by bureaucrats in both Coruscant (the capital planet of the Galactic Republic) and Brussels. They can exert a comparative advantage over democratically elected politicians in complex institutional decision-making processes due to a series of reasons. For instance, they remain in their position throughout several legislatures and they possess strong expertise on legislative procedures (Dählstrom and Lapuente, 2017). In Episode I, in response to the influence exercised over the Chancellor by one of the Senate civil servants, senator Palpatine remarks: “Enter the bureaucrats: the true rulers of the Republic, and on the payroll of the Trade Federation, I might add. This is where Chancellor Valorum’s strength will disappear” (Lucas, 1999). As in the Galactic Republic, one of the most widespread criticisms of the European Union is that it is governed by unelected bureaucrats who dominate the decision-making processes due to their extensive knowledge of the EU’s Ordinary Legislative Procedure and the inner-workings of the institutions involved in it (Hix, 2016).
Yet, neither the Jedi nor the bureaucrats base their power on any kind of democratic procedural legitimacy. This in itself is not necessarily problematic. What does constitute a major problem in the institutional architecture of the Republic is the excessive weight of such actors. The underlying issue is the degree of influence that non-majoritarian and unaccountable institutions have within the political system. In the Republic, this turned out to be a major problem which led to its fatal death and the further proclamation of the Empire. In the European Union today, far from becoming an Empire controlled by “the dark side of the Force”, there is a recognised need to address the challenges arising from the lack of accountability and procedural democratic legitimacy.
4. Conclusion
“The problem of the formation of the State, hard as it may sound, is not insoluble, even for a race of devils, granted that they have intelligence”, said Kant (2015 [1795]) in Perpetual Peace. With the right institutions, even a people composed of evil beings can be organised in the right way. Following this logic, even the most virtuous citizen could be corrupted by poorly designed political institutions. In Episode I, the child Anakin Skywalker represents such a virtuous citizen. “The biggest problem in the universe is no one helps each other,” says Anakin (Lucas, 1999). “My son knows nothing of greed”, says his mother (and “his fate is to help you”, in the Spanish language dubbing of the film). “You should be proud of your son. He gives without any thought of reward,” says Jedi Master Qui-Gon Jinn (Lucas, 1999). As a child, Anakin is capable of acting virtuously, following the republican common good, placing the general interest before his individual interests. A few years later, Anakin becomes Darth Vader. Thus, the Star Wars prequels tell the story of how poorly designed political institutions can make virtuous citizens become selfish and evil. Using a comparative methodology between a real and an imaginary political system, this essay has sought to translate the case of the Old Galactic Republic to the European Union and explore how it is possible to prevent European institutions from perverting citizens and producing evil and corrupt beings.
It is clear that Star Wars is not very helpful when approaching more specific debates about European governance, such as whether or not transnational electoral lists are necessary. However, it does provide a number of important insights into the EU’s democratic deficits, and its institutional architecture. In particular, three conclusions can be drawn:
- In order to avoid the temptation of resorting to an authoritarian leader to confront the elite-led project, the EU must not “cross the Rubicon” of statehood and become a large federal State.
- European institutions must be reformed to ensure that the opposition can effectively organise and articulate its demands within the political system itself. This would prevent that the only possibility or alternative for the opposition is to leave the European Union itself.
- The accountability and procedural legitimacy of the European institutions should be strengthened. This can be done by either demanding more transparency and accountability from those actors with such a deficit, or by reducing their excessive weight in the overall institutional architecture.
Even in turbulent and uncertain times, the great myths of popular culture can help us to better understand the world we live in. To this end, using Star Wars’ Episodes I, II and III, this essay has sought to identify some of the “phantom menaces” of the European Union’s political system. But, most importantly, it is an invitation to democratise it in order to build “a new hope”.
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